Amendment of Electoral Laws

According to a report in the Kuensel of September 19, the National Council has initiated a discussion on the electoral corruptions that were reported during our last General Elections. I am happy that some of the Members of the Upper House have accepted that there were incidences of corruption and malpractices during our last General Elections. I offer those Honorable Members my heartiest congratulations. The first step to correcting flaws in the rules is to accept that they exist. There is no merit in crying over what could have been - a progressive society always looks forward and the way forward is to learn from past mistakes and ensure that they are not repeated.

There are a huge lot of problems with our electoral laws. They need to be amended. Having already gone through two General Elections, we are now fairly aware where the faults lie. I am not blaming the laws - I accept that they were made with the very best intensions but the fact that they were inadequate and failed the people miserably - only proves my point that I have always made:

How is it possible for a nation of people steeped in a monarchic culture - to frame laws and define processes - as to how democracy must function?

I wish I had the time to go into details of what needs changed - if I had I would have been happy to offer suggestions, as a concerned citizen. But for now, I do have to offer three suggestions:

1.  EVMs
2.  Language of Campaign
3.  Powers of the ECB as a regulatory authority

1.  EVMs
At the top of the list of what is wrong in our electoral process is - the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs). Our last election has proven that they stifle the voice of the people. EVMs are electronic devices that are slaves to the dictates of their masters – the programmers.

We should do away with them IMMEDIATELY.

Because of their proven vulnerability, not many countries around the world use them during elections - or have abandoned their use. They can be programmed to declare results that are pre-determined. Thousands of man-hours have been spent studying the vulnerability of the EVMs and one report among the thousands undertaken, reads as follows (I am referring to Indian experience since our EVMs are manufactured in India):

……. In recent years there have been numerous allegations and press reports of election irregularities involving Indian EVMs. It is difficult to assess the credibility of these charges, since there has apparently never been a prosecution related to EVM fraud, and there has never been a post-election audit to attempt to understand the causes. Nevertheless, they paint a troubling picture of election security in India.
…… Especially troubling are reports that when the voter pressed a button for one candidate, a light would flash for another, which could be explained by a simple attack on the EVM cable. Rao also relates reports from prominent politicians that engineers approached them in 2009 offering to fix elections through this method.
….. Despite elaborate safeguards, India’s EVMs are vulnerable to serious attacks. Dishonest insiders or other criminals with physical access to the machines at any time before ballots are counted can insert malicious hardware that can steal votes for the lifetime of the machines. Attackers with physical access between voting and counting can arbitrarily change vote totals and can learn which candidate each voter selected.
….. It is highly doubtful that these problems could be remedied by simple upgrades to the existing EVMs or election procedures. Merely making the attacks we have demonstrated more difficult will not fix the fundamental problem: India’s EVMs do not provide transparency, so voters and election officials have no reason for confidence that the machines are behaving honestly.
India should carefully reconsider how to achieve a secure and transparent voting system that is suitable to its national values and requirements. One option that has been adopted in other countries is to use a voter-verified paper audit trail (VVPAT), which combines an electronic record stored in a DRE with a paper vote record that can be audited by hand. Another option is precinct-count optical scan (PCOS) voting, where voters fill out paper ballots that are scanned by a voting machine at the polling station before being placed in a ballot box. Attacking either of these systems would require tampering with both the paper records and the electronic records, provided that routine audits are performed to make sure these redundant sets of records agree.
.…. Despite all of their known weaknesses, simple paper ballots provide a high degree of transparency, so fraud that does occur will be more likely to be detected.
Using EVMs in India may have seemed like a good idea when the machines were introduced in the 1980s, but science’s understanding of electronic voting security - and of attacks against it - has progressed dramatically since then, and other technologically advanced countries have adopted and then abandoned EVM-style voting.

2.  Language of Campaign
I have said this in one of my earlier articles - the party candidates must be allowed to campaign in a language in which he/she is skilled. To force the candidates to speak in Dzongkha defeats the very purpose for which election campaigns are conducted. Not many Bhutanese understand Dzongkha and not many speak it. Regional languages are as important as Dzongkha.

3.  Powers of the ECB
The ECB is too autocratic. Their powers need to be moderated. It has also become evident that there must be a democratic process to decision making. What we have seen so far is that the ECB is the absolute and final authority and they alone can decide - without recourse to an alternate view or dispute settlement.

In my view the weakest link in our democratic process has been the ECB and the absolute powers they have been empowered with.

Home Truth?

So what is wrong with this Kuensel page?

Faces - Young and Old

It has been quite a while since I last posted an article on this Blog. There are a number of issues on which I want to write … but after the marathon series on Sino-Bhutan border issues, I seem to have drained of all intellectual juice - I developed a mental block. But some readers keep reminding me that I have been quiet for far too long. So here goes ……. Luckily, I am more fortunate than most - because when I run out of words, I can make up for the deficit by resorting to posting photos of which I have plentiful :)

I love photographing rural faces - there is so much character there. The first photo below of an old man was photographed in Punakha - on the way to Talo. I think he was herding cows.

The old man below was photographed in Khoma village in Lhuntse. There is something nice about the face.

This old man with a strange looking cap is a Sharchop - strange that I cannot remember where in the East I photographed him. I normally remember the location of every photo I shoot quite vividly.

The little girl below was photographed in Yadi, Mongar. I like that look of dangerous defiance in her eyes. She looks sooooo audacious!

This pretty little girl was photographed during Paro Tsechu some 8-9 years ago.

I caught the young lady below in Dungkar, Kurtoe in the Eastern part of the country. I love her traditional Bhutanese hair cut and the Koma Jabtha made of old coins. They are rarely seen these days.

The mischievous boy with a plastic bowl on his head was photographed in Dungkar school in Kurtoe. He was eating his lunch of pre-cooked noodles. The moment he saw me training my camera on him, he turned the bowl upside down on his head and gave me a genuine beaming smile that lit up his face. Those of you who have read the Mad Magazine cannot fail to notice the striking resemblance to Mr. Newman - the hero of the Mag.

The last photo shows an old lady and her multiple moods. I photographed her in Paro Tsechu some years back. As I watched her talk to her young companion, I noticed the fleeting change in her facial expressions. It looks like she is crying - she is not. Strangely the changes were not the result of her emphasis on whatever she was saying - but it was brought on by the words her companion was saying. This is the first time I noticed that a person’s facial expressions could undergo changes based on what the other person was saying.

PS: Double-click on the image to display a larger version of the photo.

My Comments On The Proposed RTI Bill

His Excellency the Prime Minister has sought comments on the proposed RTI Bill that is due to be tabled during the upcoming Parliament session. It is my belief that Bhutan is not ready for the enactment of the RTI Bill. Thus, instead of discussing the clauses which I have not even read, I choose to offer a contrarian view as follows, which I have posted on the Prime Minister's Blog (http://www.tsheringtobgay.com):

------------------------------------------------

Your Excellency,

As a concerned citizen and in an effort to help the government and the Parliament to look at the practicality and usefulness of introducing/enacting the RTI Bill in the upcoming Parliamentary session, I would like to offer my following views on the issue.

When a certain Bill or Act is considered for introduction in the Parliament for discussion and final enactment, it comes about because there is a NEED for such a Bill or Act. Therefore, the first question to ask is:

IS THERE A NEED FOR SUCH AN ACT/BILL?
>  How did the need arise?
>  Was information denied?
>  What percentage of the Bhutanese population desires the RTI Act?
>  What do they understand about the benefits of the RTI?
>  Will it improve transparency and impartiality?
>  Is there a popular demand for the Bill from the people of Bhutan?
>  Was the requirement for such a Bill discussed among the people and does it
    find popular appeal among the respondents?
>  Most importantly, which segment of the Bhutanese society will the RTI Bill benefit?

Bhutan has too many laws that most even do not know they exist. Most often, we enact laws that we are unable to enforce - in some cases we have even failed to fix responsibility as to which agency should enforce those laws. It has also happened that some of our laws are donor driven and not necessarily appropriate to the times we live in. We enact laws simply because they look good on paper and render some bit of statistical opulence in the eyes of the visiting consultants. As a result, laws continue to be broken, ignored and unenforced - resulting in the famous Bhutanese lackadaisical attitude towards law.

During end May, 2012, the Ministry of Information and Communications held a two-days Awareness seminar on RTI at Terma Linca - where I was a participant. Strangely, the tone of the seminar bordered on RTI activism - a far cry from being a seminar about imparting awareness on RTI. I was aghast at the fact that one of the resource persons was a well-known RTI activist! The entire two-days seminar emphasized the urgent need to enact RTI Act in Bhutan. I was the lone voice in that seminar opposing the visiting experts and their view that Bhutan is in urgent need of RTI Bill - to the point that during lunch break the World Bank representative offered to console me by saying that the seminar was fortunate to have my negative voice - to which I responded that notwithstanding the voices of the activists, as far as Bhutan was concerned, mine was the positive voice.

I bring up this issue because we need to answer one question truthfully:

Is the government and the proponents of the RTI Bill convinced that there is a genuine need for RTI in Bhutan? Who is demanding it? How many citizens are suffering as a result of lack of RTI Bill? Do stray incidences of denial of information warrant the legislation of a law the implications of which few are able to comprehend? Or, are some interest groups driving the RTI movement in Bhutan?

To be perfectly frank, I am wary because of the involvement of some outside organizations who are trying to decide that the RTI is good for Bhutan - without first allowing the Bhutanese people to understand if it is right for us. I request that the Parliamentarians exercise utmost caution in yielding to their pressure because only Bhutanese can determine what is good for us. They are driven by their own agenda - do not let them convince us, as opined by one of the resource persons during the awareness seminar under reference, that the window of opportunity is only minimal. As long as we have the political will and as long as we are ready for it, the window of opportunity is boundless.

The following are my views:

There are 196 countries in the world. Of that many, less than half - 93 countries to be precise - have so far adopted some form of RTI.

India became independent in 1947. Since then, she has taken 44 years to start the RTI movement in 1990. Thereafter, they debated the issue for 15 years - and RTI became law only in 2005.

So what is the hurry for Bhutan? We are not even 6 years into Constitutional Monarchy. Even more important, we are still in a state of confusion as to what constitutes freedom and what our responsibility is, in the exercise of that freedom.

Assurance of RTI goes beyond merely enacting a law - the delivery mechanism should be put in place before the law is enacted. This means that when information is sought under the law, information must be available in a deliverable format and at locations that are readily accessible. Do we have that? If not, how will the law work?

Therefore, to me it seems like the first order of things is to discuss in the Parliament not the RTI law - but feasibility of the creation of institutions and manpower and infrastructural set up to prepare for the enactment of the RTI Bill. If not, it will be a case of putting the cart before the horse. If the law is to be effective and useful, we have to first create the environment for it to be implemented and enforced. Thus, we should begin by first getting the Parliament to approve, if parliamentary approval is required, to establish the necessary infrastructure and manpower to assimilate the RTI culture among the people and the custodians of the information.

Appointment of IMO’s and support staff is the first step. Then comes their training in the use of specialized equipment to record, digitize, archive and retrieve the stored information. We have to decide on and standardize the medium of storage and retrieval system. We have to determine the most efficient method of gathering and compiling and encoding the existing information, which is mostly in hard copy, spread over the length and breadth of the country and stored away in files.

Creation of the facility as described above will require immense financial outlay. Do we have that? A budgetary allocation of anywhere from 200 to 600 million will be required - to train few hundred operators and IMO’s and to buy hundreds of devices for storage, scanning, microfilm, microfiche, readers, encoders, photocopiers, computers, printers etc. and software to implement them. Do we have that kind of money?

What about the legal aspect of the RTI Bill? Have we ascertained if our existing laws do not conflict with the spirit and the obligations of the RTI? What do we do – repeal/amend the existing laws to make way for the RTI Bill?

Given all the above, it is my view that we do not even look at the proposed Bill for now - but start by discussing the creation and affordability of putting in place the enabling conditions to assure the success of the RTI Bill - when it is finally enacted. If not, it will be one more law that is enacted but not enforced.

We have to remember that some laws are more effective when they are left ambiguous - then when they are enacted into law - with a hundred explicit clauses. My experience is that those well-meaning clauses can be used as a deterrent rather than as something stipulated to facilitate efficiency.

We Bhutanese are great hoarders of information - for how our mind works, please read my Blog article titled “RTI & The Bhutanese Mentality” posted on Thursday, April 7, 2011. It is filed under “Legislation” http://yesheydorji.blogspot.com/2011/04/normal-0-false-false-false_07.html

Indo-Bhutan Relations: A Reality Check - IV

Portions of an article authored by Prakash Katoch titled “Dealing with Doklam” reads as follows:

“What India should do is to make an offer that China has not …….. A third possibility is that the king of Bhutan may consider selling the Doklam Plateau to India so that this bone of contention is resolved permanently. It would be prudent for the foreign policy mandarins not to let the issue lie in a state of limbo, permitting China the initiative”.

Mr. Prakash Katoch is a former Special Forces Lieutenant General of the Indian Army. This article was submitted and published on March 16, 2013.

This is the level of lunacy among the Indian Think Tank - when it comes to the issue of the Doklam Plateau. It is insane for any one to believe that a nation would sell her land to a foreign country. Even more incredible is the view that the way to solve the problem would be to ask Bhutan to sell to India the very land that is at the heart of the dispute - even while China is sitting on that very piece of land. Is there any shred of reason to think that Bhutan would be foolish enough to sell the land either to China or to India - without risking the ire of the other - with disastrous consequences? Ofcourse I realize that the views of Mr. Prakash Katoch does not represent those of the government of India - but it has to be seen from the perspective of why such an experienced and very sane and senior high ranking military officer would be driven to such insane thoughts of desperation? Make no mistake - this issue of the Doklam Plateau is very, very scary! Is there something that the Indians and the Chinese know about this track of desolate and frigid wilderness that we Bhutanese don’t?

I bring up this issue because it is time that the Bhutanese people understood the enormity of the situation facing us. Even the most remote possibility that Bhutan may be contemplating arriving at a settlement with China on the boundary dispute - particularly with respect to the possibility that Bhutan may be considering ceding the Doklam Plateau to China - drives India completely berserk! Seen from that context, it becomes clear why India did what they did during our last elections. India has shown that where this particular patch of land is concerned - they will go to any length: interfere brazenly by engineering the defeat of a political party that they see as being not sympathetic to their cause; perhaps even mount military action on Bhutan and Bhutanese territory - if it has to come to that - to protect their security interests.

Our two giant neighbors are unwilling to compromise - neither is willing to give an inch of ground and there are no signs of amicability or compromise in their stance towards the stalemate that persists. China is adamant that the Doklam Plateau belongs to them and has forcefully entrenched themselves in these areas for the past few decades. They have, even without so much as by your leave, already set up a series of road communications network within these disputed areas that connect the areas to Phari and from there on to all the way to Beijing. The truth is that whatever India or we say or do, there is no way we can dislodge them or their infrastructure from within these disputed areas. The seriousness of their occupation can be determined by taking a look at the areas on Google Earth. The disputed Doklam Plateau areas are encircled in red. You can see that the whole area is crisscrossed with a network of motor roads. Interestingly, the disputed areas of Jakarlung and Pasamlung are not indicated as disputed. On the other hand, the area on the North already ceded to China is still shown in red. May be somebody should write to Google to rectify the omission.

The Bhutanese - more precisely the Indian cartographers had included the areas of Doklam, Sinchulumpa, Dramana and Shakhatoe within the territorial boundaries of Bhutan. That is what the maps currently issued by Bhutan and India shows. But what needs to be seen is: is there a sound historical basis - as to why we can claim those areas as those belonging to Bhutan? Do we have stronger arguments than those put forward by China - in support of their claim that the areas belong to them?

Or, are our claims based on an imaginary line casually drawn across a paper map in the early 1900’s by some British colonizers - like those of the McMahon Lines - without actual verification on the ground?

Whatever the case may be, Bhutan needs to resolve the boundary issue with China without delay. Frankly speaking, neither the Doklam areas nor the Jakarlung areas or the Pasamlung areas are of any consequence to us. The reason is simple - these areas are practically uninhabitable and, unlike China and India, we do not have any strategic military considerations to worry about. For us we want peace and harmony on our borders - both to the South as well as to the North.

Both China and India understand that as far as we are concerned, we are agreeable and willing to whatever is suggested by either side. Bhutan simply does not have the bargaining power to impose our will - even our right to do so is in doubt.

But there is something that we certainly have to worry about - should this border dispute remain unresolved at the present level. There is a possibility that China may be tempted to revive their old territorial claims over what is currently Bhutanese territory. If that happens, then Bhutan stands to lose land as far as Kanglung to the East and Samdrup Jongkhar to the South.

As can be seen, according to China, the red-line border is the outer boundary of Bhutan. According to this map, Bhutan's Eastern
boundary shrinks close to Kanglung. This boundary is shown as an extension of Arunachal which China claims belongs to them.

In conclusion, one of the readers here thinks that I am anti-India. I am not. In fact, I am totally pro-India. Since the time I remember, even as a kid, I have always seen India as a nation that supported Bhutan in every sphere of our lives. I remain ever grateful. As I told an Indian author (Mr. Nitya Jacob, author of Jalyatra, India’s Traditional Water Wisdom) who interviewed me few days back, as far as I am concerned, being anti-India is almost an act of treason. We have a saying - “One does not shit on the plate from which one eats”. I believe that being frank and truthful and pointing out each other’s mistakes could actually correct the flaws that have begun to creep in into our relationship. Every partnership goes through a phase of discord and misunderstanding. But the partnership between Bhutan and India is one that is long term - it has stood the test of time. Being totally landlocked and without any land or riverine access to any other country in the region, Bhutan understands that it would not be to her interest to jeopardize the excellent relations that exits between India and Bhutan. Therefore, India should have no fears on account of Bhutan reneging on her commitments to India and her security concerns. But certainly India should learn to treat us as equal partners - and not force the chicken to fly the coop. It is bad foreign policy.

I hope that my articles will help contribute to further strengthen Indo-Bhutan relations - based on mutual respect for each other and, even more importantly, grounded on truth and reality. I hope too that some Bhutanese now understand certain realities and will not be so quick to lay blame on people and causes - without having an iota of understanding of the real issues involved.

                                                                                                       ..................... End of Series

Indo-Bhutan Relations: A Reality Check - III

In 1998, China signed a peace agreement with Bhutan to “maintain peace and tranquility on the Bhutan-China border areas”. With this epochal event, China had, for the first time in history, recognized Bhutan as a sovereign country when she stated that “China fully respects the territorial integrity and independence of Bhutan”. For a country that had declared Bhutan as one of the five fingers of Tibet - others being Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Arunachal - this was a complete reversal of their earlier policy towards Bhutan.

Map showing the Five Fingers of Tibet

In her eagerness to resolve the long-standing border dispute with Bhutan, China - in 1996 offered a package deal under which they agreed to renounce their claim over the 495 sq. kms. of disputed land in the Pasamlung and Jakarlung valleys - in exchange for a smaller track of disputed land measuring a total of 269 sq. kms. These areas collectively known as the “Doklam Plateau” is located in the Northwestern part of Haa - perilously close to India’s peculiarly named “chicken neck” area - the Siliguri corridor that connects their Northeastern region to the rest of the country.

 Map showing the locations of the disputed areas between Bhutan and China

Any talk of ceding the Doklam Plateau to China causes feverish nightmares to India. That is why, when India learnt that China was sending a delegation to Bhutan for the 21st round of border talks, India promptly rushed their National Security Advisor Mr. Shivshangkar Menon to “brief” the “brand-new” Bhutanese government and to “share Indian experience and knowledge of Chinese negotiation tactics to advice Thimphu on the way forward”.

That is a whole lot of hogwash. India knows that the border talks will not be conducted or influenced by the new government team but by a select group of Bhutanese negotiators who have knowledge of the issues involved and who where part of past negotiations. Mr. Menon should not have bothered - he could have simply called up our government from the comfort of his office in New Delhi and categorically stated the Indian security concerns - Bhutan would have been happy - as in the past three decades - to do their bidding.

The article at the following link should make for interesting reading:

http://newindianexpress.com/thesundaystandard/NSAs-mission-advice-to-Bhutan-critical/2013/08/25/article1750186.ece

It is increasingly becoming clear that at the core of our troubles is: foreign policy and border dispute with China.

India made noise when we accepted the appointment of the Honorary Consul of the UK early this year. Japan is desirous of establishing an Embassy here in Thimphu in 2014. It is expected that India will not make noise in this case because the perception is that Japan and India has parallel interest in certain critical areas of foreign policy. Some overtures are being made to establish French Consular service in Bhutan - but as a member of the P5, I suspect that India will effectively block that.

Foreign relations is something Bhutan can afford to pussy foot around for a while. However, how long can we remain indecisive about our border dispute with China? How long can we endure the annual incursions from the Chinese? How much more territory must we lose before we have the courage to say enough and arrive at a settlement?

This is clearly a case of being caught between a rock and a hard place.

                                                                                                  ................................. to be continued

Indo-Bhutan Relations: A Reality Check - II

Bhutan is a small nation that neither has economic power nor military muscle. Even our geographical landmass and population base is, at best, insignificant. Thus, even if we make noise once in a while, we do so from a position of powerlessness. The precariousness of our condition is made even more perilous by our location - bang in the middle of two Asian giants with nuclear capability and unbridled ambitions for regional dominance. And yet, we have thus far survived as a sovereign nation state - even as Tibet and Sikkim got gobbled up selectively by each of these antagonistic rivals. The eel-like slipperiness with which we managed to remain out of the clutches of both of these competing colonizers must say something about the Bhutanese peoples’ adeptness at the art of peaceful co-existence.

But India seems to miss a very important point: that central to our success of being able to maintain a state of peaceful neutrality towards both the countries while, at the same time, deftly managing to avoid hostilities between the world’s most fractious nations, is: the freedom of self-determination - without interference from others and without the need for acts of political and diplomatic brinkmanship. What India did during this election was a terrible blunder - she forced a situation on us that we are in no position to handle. India has forced us into polarization - a dramatic departure from our age-old foreign policy that has helped us maintain peace and tranquility among nations. We cannot escape the consequences - nor can India. In the words of Sunanda K. Dutta-Ray:

“If one bunch of Bhutanese politicians leans towards India, another is bound to lean towards China. Given the fragility of Sino-Indian relations, this polarization is not in Bhutan’s interest. It is even less in India’s interest for the Bhutanese to have to face such a choice.”

Bhutan has been forced into making a choice and the PDP as a political party had made their choice during their election campaigns. But now, as the ruling government, the party will have to state their government’s foreign policy - in no uncertain terms. This bullying by India was unnecessary and ill advised. But Bhutan is not new to India’s bullying. I remember.

I traveled abroad for the first time in my life - in 1979. During those days, we had to transit through Indian airports since we did not have air service. One of the most frustrating and illogical impositions by India on the Bhutanese travelers was a foreign currency restriction of US$ 150.00 per person. It did not matter the duration of our trip - we could not carry more than US$150.00 per person.

In the early 80’s, as the Head of the Export Section of the Ministry of Trade & Industries, I used to be frustrated by a list known as the “Exportable Surplus List”. This was a list that we had to declare to the government of India - at the beginning of each year. Unless a good or produce/product was included in this predetermined list, Bhutan was not allowed to export any other items to a third country.

The appointment of Michael Rutland, OBE as United Kingdom’s first Honorary Consul to Bhutan has caused India to raise objections on the grounds that we have violated a tacit understanding that existed between India and Bhutan - that Bhutan will not establish any diplomatic or consular relations with any of the P5 countries. The UK is one among the permanent five.

More recently, India has arbitrarily refused to recognize Bhutan’s Travel Document as a valid and legal document for our residents to enter and travel within India. Every other country in the world accepts our Travel Document as a legitimate document issued to Bhutan’s non-national residents.

The last straw was during last month when, in the middle of our elections, India imposed what can be considered an economic blockade - similar to the one they imposed on Nepal during the 80’s - in the form of two subsidy withdrawals. Lot of Bhutanese believe that this single move decided the outcome of the elections - I personally do not subscribe to this theory.

By contrast, China is among the first countries in the world that has given Bhutan something that India has consistently denied - a sense of equalness and dignity; independence and sovereignty. That was demonstrated when China adamantly refused to include India in the Sino-Bhutan border talks - as of early 80’s. Until the late 70's, respecting the Clause 2 of the Indo-Bhutan Agreement of 1949, discussion on Bhutan’s border disputes with China were included along with those of India’s. China, having come to realize, after many rounds of fruitless discussions that India would never allow a just and reasonable settlement of Bhutan’s border issues with China - they put their foot down and clearly stated that the border disputes of independent and sovereign Bhutan can only be discussed and resolved with, and by, Bhutan. Thereafter, as of 1984, Bhutan and China held direct border talks.

Since then, 20 rounds of discussions and 30 years later, our border disputes with our northern neighbor remains unresolved - only for one principal reason: even without the presence of India during the talks, Bhutan has always had to keep in mind India’s security concerns and could not agree to Chinese proposals that directly conflicted with India’s security interests.

China has been trying hard to draw out Bhutan from India’s orbit. Bhutan is also the only country - among her fourteen neighbors - with whom China has no diplomatic ties. Bhutan has remained single minded in our support for India.

India needs to treat us with a little bit more respect than she has done so far.

                                                                                                                  ....................... to be continued

Indo-Bhutan Relations: A Reality Check - I

Bhutan’s 2013 election was a disaster in every sense. Unfortunately few people realize WHAT happened and HOW it happened. Even fewer can comprehend WHY it happened. But of one thing I am sure - by now a whole lot of Bhutanese people have come to realize that there is no reason whatsoever to rejoice in the fact that the infamous Article 2 of the Indo-Bhutan Friendship Treaty of 1949 is no longer a clause in the revised treaty we signed with India in 2007.

India’s unabashed transgression into our domestic affairs has demonstrated that where it is an understanding between two unequal partners, there is little reason to believe that any commitment - whether written or unwritten, will be respected - particularly by the stronger of the two parties. The precariousness of our standing in this partnership became all too evident - in the aftermath of the bullying we have been subject to by India.

We had placed full trust on India and her apparent goodness. However, what they did during our last election proves that it is unwise to do so - explicitly. They have dealt us an unexpected raw deal. However, there is nothing we can do now - except swallow our pride and move on. But there is a lesson to be learnt from this shameful episode. Our vulnerability has been exposed. The honeymoon period is over - it is now time for a realty check - a time for a hard look at the facts of life.

The list of our problems runs longer than a woman’s Sunday grocery shopping list. Fifty-two years of planned developmental activities that started in 1961 saw us getting deeper and deeper into debt and dependence. Most of our problems cannot be solved overnight - but some problems are more precarious than others. These are the problems we need to solve without delay. In order of exigency, the following two issues need to be addressed without delay because they have the potential to jeopardize our very sovereignty and nationhood. 

          a. Our unresolved border dispute with our neighbor in the North; and

          b. The lopsided hydropower ventures funded and managed by India

We can no longer ignore the danger signs that have begun to emerge in recent times - surrounding the above two issues. There is an URGENT need for us to accurately comprehend the consequences of our inaction in these two matters. Thereafter, we have to deal with the problems with courage and foresight. By all means we have to take into account India’s security concerns with respect to the border issues with China. However, at the end, India has to accept that they cannot ask us to jeopardize our own security and sovereignty - in order that theirs is protected.

With respect to the hydro-power projects, we have to judge India on the basis of the nobility of their intentions. There is something not quite right about the way things have been going in that sector. It is time that we made a realistic assessment between the perceived and the real economic gains - as opposed to the social and environmental costs to the country as a consequence of these projects.

                                                                                                                                                                       ……………. to be continued

Wishing India a Joyous 67th Independence Day

Public address by the late Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in Paro on 23rd September, 1958:

“Some may think that since India is a great and powerful country and Bhutan a small one, the former might wish to exercise pressure on Bhutan. It is therefore, essential that I make it clear to you that our only wish is that you should remain an independent country, choosing your own way of life and taking the path of progress according to your will.”

Jawaharlal Nehru was the first Prime Minister of independent India to visit Bhutan. Riding on the backs of yaks and ponies, the 69 years old Prime Minister braved chilly winds and frozen high peaks to visit Bhutan. To India, Bhutan must have meant more than a mere pawn.

On this 67th Independence Day of the Republic of India, I would like to take the opportunity to offer my felicitations to all Indians. It is significant that the Plan Talks of our XIth Five Year Plan is being discussed with the Indian Government team on this most joyous day for all Indians.

A large number of Bhutanese have been hurt by what India did during our 2013 elections - proof that the assurance given by their first Prime Minister has since been forgotten. And yet, among friends, mistakes should be condoned. But that can only happen when the perpetrator makes an attempt to erase the trust deficit that has crept in into the hearts of the Bhutanese.

This is an opportunity for India to show that they still respect and honor the assurances given by their famous Prime Minister.

Prime Minister's Trip to India

Our Hon’ble Prime Minister is due to visit India in the next few days. I am compelled to believe that, pending that visit, even our Parliamentary session has been postponed to 7th September - more than a month since the formation of the government. This is unprecedented. The new government’s first order of business should have been to convene the Parliament - post haste - and adopt the XIth Five Year Plan and pass the budget without delay. Instead, I gather that the Draft XIth Five Year Plan has been handed over to the government of India representatives - even before our Parliament discussed it. This is rather strange - certainly no Wangtse Chirphel here - perhaps it is the DNT influence - New Times, New Ideas. No sarcasm is intended - this is a serious issue. Our own Parliament must first approve our plan documents - before seeking approval or discussing it with foreign governments and aid agencies. This is soooooooooo MORBID!

Wangcha Sangey has written a powerful article on his Blog (http://www.wangchasangey.blogspot.com/) - pleading for the cause of Bhutan and the Bhutanese. I wish to do the same. However, let us first accept that harping on issues such as sovereignty, dignity and self-esteem - given our pathetic condition - is being rather naïve. It is akin to donning a thin cloak in a thick winter.

By now the whole world knows what India did to Bhutan this July - they have been blatant and shameless in their interference in our internal politics. But there are some who are quick to tell me that PDP win and India’s interference is good for the country and the people of Bhutan. That India is justified in protecting their strategic interests; that our Prime Minister shaking the hands of the Chinese Premier has undermined India’s security concerns.

All right then - let me wish our Prime Minister the very best of luck during his upcoming trip to India. I hope and wish that he would be able to get the Indians to deliver on all the promises they have been making - since the elections.

But there is something the Bhutanese people must know. The issue at stake is not of our sovereignty. That is not in doubt. What is true is that India is holding us hostage - to serve their strategic interest. It is sad that India thinks that is how they will resolve their issues with China. They miscalculated in 1962 and they are doing it once again this time.

It is in India’s interest to allow Bhutan to deal with China and our border dispute with them - as we see fit and in a manner that is beneficial to all concerned - including India. Bhutan will do nothing that will be detrimental to India’s interests. It is not in Bhutan’s interest to harm India’s interest. But India coaching PDP leadership to make a policy statement during their election campaign has serious ramifications on Bhutan. Getting rid of Prime Minister Jigme Yoezer Thinley is not the answer to India’s problems. In fact a person like JYT - with long and varied institutional memory - is a worthier person to look objectively at issues that face both Bhutan and India in relation to China.

In the process of safeguarding India’s security concerns, we have compromised our own. That is not fair. At some point very soon, we will be required to answer a simple and straightforward question:

What is our foreign policy with respect to our neighbor in the North?

I hope the PDP government is preparing their answer with great care. How they answer will determine the nationhood of this country.

Bhutan's First Formal Modern Style Trial By Jury

A friend of mine who was passionately involved in the recent elections is still in a state of listlessness. She tells me that she is still unable to regain her mind and is contemplating moving to a third country in an attempt to forget everything that happened in the past month. For the moment she tells me that she in reading up on the history of Bhutan - to try and uncover some clues as to why things happened the way they did.

Since history is where she seeks solace, I dedicate this piece of history to her. It is my belief that few in Bhutan would be aware of this bewildering event that transpired exactly half a century ago.

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Two of the earliest Chillips to visit Bhutan were a couple of Portuguese Priests - Father Estevao Cacella and Father João Cabral. They visited Bhutan in the year 1627 and spent eight months in the country - before they crossed over into Tibet. During their long stay in the country, they met the Zhabdrung and sought and obtained his permission to convert any and all Bhutanese into the Christian faith. The audacity of the priests! - they even attempted to persuade the Zhabdrung to accept Jesus as his God and Savior. But the Zhabdrung declined politely - saying that conversion to a faith that did not belong to his ancestors would cause him to die on the spot. 

The two Portuguese Fathers did not succeed in converting any one in Tibet either - in fact one of them died there, still trying. On the other hand, my friend in Portugal wrote his Doctorial thesis on the two Fathers and their visit to Bhutan and Tibet - arguing that the Fathers’ intensions were not entirely ecclesial - but more war like.

Some three and a half centuries later, another intriguing Chillip becomes a little known, but an indelible part of Bhutan’s history. His name was Edward St. George - a barrister by vocation and a British by birth.

Edward St. George and third wife Lady Henrietta with His Majesty
King Jigme Singye Wangchuck during a revisit to Bhutan in 2002

It is not known when exactly he arrived Bhutan but a passage in the book “Hearts and Life and the Kingdom of Bhutan” by Dr. Aubrey Leatham tells us that he was in Bhutan during the autumn of 1963. However, it is not this visit that is of interest to us - but his subsequent visit - during April of 1964 that we are concerned with.

Edward St. George was a close friend of the late Prime Minister Jigme Palden Dorji and his younger brother late Dasho Lhendup Dorji (Lenny) whom he is supposed to have met while studying in Oxford, England. He passed away in Houston, Texas, USA on December 20, 2004, aged 76.

Edward St. George with Dasho Benji and late Dasho Rimp

Edward St. George’s second visit is linked to the assassination of the late Prime Minister Jigme Palden Dorji. Written records show that he rushed to Bhutan upon hearing news of the late Prime Minister's assassination. Since he was a friend, I am tempted to believe that he came to offer his condolences to the bereaved family. But that is pure conjecture because, subsequently, it transpires that he played a central role in the framing of charges and the prosecution of the case involving the assassination of the late Prime Minister Jigme Palden Dorji.

The late Prime Minister Jigme Palden Dorji was assassinated in Phuentsholing on the night of 5th April, 1964. Information available in the public domain tells us that an army corporal by the name of Jambey fired the bullet that killed the Prime Minister. He was arrested on 8th April, 1964. To everybody’s consternation, during the course of the interrogation, Jambey revealed that he committed the act under orders from Chabda Namgye Bahadur who was then the Chief of Army.

Interestingly, the person who tracked down and arrested Jambey on the night of 8th April, 1964 was one Pelpon (Sergeant) Nob Gyeltshen - father of our current Prime Minister, His Excellency Tshering Tobgay.

The Royal Enquiry Commission that was constituted to enquire into the circumstances of the assassination was headed by late Dasho Gyaldoen Thinley Dorji - father of Ex-Prime Minister His Excellency Jigme Yoezer Thinley.

During a time when a proper judicial system was virtually none-existent, Edward St. George conducted the Kingdom’s first formal modern style trial by jury of the assassin and the accomplices in the case of the assassination of the Prime Minister. In 1964 this must have been something absolutely mind boggling to the people of Bhutan. Even more strange, it is impossible to comprehend why an Englishman was charged with the responsibility to oversee the trial of one of Bhutan's most controversial cases of murder and intrigue.

The following is how the trail was described:

“The assassination of his close friend Prime Minister Jigme Dorji, by the Commander-in-Chief of the army, occasioned the kingdom’s first formal trial by jury. To local amazement, he convened a court of ‘oyer and terminer’ and insisted the accused was treated with dignity; shaved and properly attired. Despite having written it, he always said the ‘summing up’ was so moving that the King, the apologetic accused, the whole court and even he himself were in tears. The King then sent the crown prince (and present King), daughters and a nephew to England with Edward to be educated. This nephew Paljor Dorji, nicknamed ‘Benji’ became Bhutan’s first Chief Justice, despite studying ‘the Sporting Life’ newspaper more diligently than his tomes on jurisprudence.”

NOTE:

Zhabdroong initiated the process of the unification of Bhutan into a single nation state. He introduced the dual system of governance of the country - spiritual affairs being headed by the Je Khenpo and the temporal matters by the Druk Desi.

My Felicitations To PDP And The New Cabinet

As I had said in one of my earlier posts, I was in a dilemma as to how to appropriately word my  बधाइयां  - to the winning candidates of the 2013 elections - without rubbing salt to injury. The PDP will form the next government - but I doubt that the taste of victory is as sweet as it would have been - had they been allowed the opportunity to win the elections - based on their own merits. Deep down, they cannot help but feel a sense of hollowness - because their victory has been served to them on a platter. In all fairness, no one should doubt that the PDP could have won the elections on the strength of their own worth but the blatant show of hand by the government of India must surely leave a bitter after-taste.

Regardless of what happened, the election results are out and there is no reversing it. The PDP will form the next government and they will direct the affairs of the country for the next five years. Therefore, it is time that we move forward and not be marooned in the quagmire of hurt and resentment. Thus, I would like to offer them my felicitations with the following salutations:

चुनाव जीतने के लिए चुने जाने पर बधाई!

(Congratulations on being chosen to win the elections!)

I would also like to wish the VERY BEST OF LUCK TO THE NEW CABINET comprising of the following Ministers who will most likely receive their Namzha and Pata tomorrow from His Majesty the King.

I have only one regret - the cabinet has no representation from my Dzongkhag. Thus, as in the past, I suspect that Khengrig Ngyamsum will continue to be neglected.

The "Acho" Factor

On my earlier post titled “A Political Coup Without Parallel!” dated June 17, 2013, I had wondered:

“What is the possibility of an “Acho” factor behind one or some of our political parties?”

Developments since then have confirmed beyond doubt that my fears were not unfounded. It turns out that there was/is indeed an Acho’s hand behind the outcome of our elections.

To be frank, I am glad that the Acho is the same old Acho from the south. This is an Acho we have lived with for the past more than five decades - we are pretty much familiar with their idiosyncrasies, their curry smell and their shinny sleek hair greased with coconut oil. I believe that this Acho is a more pliable beast to go to bed with. In all probability it will rape us in broad daylight - as it is doing now with the hydro-power projects - yet it is unlikely to fatally stab us in the back. I have been, and still remain grateful, for their hand in our development programs. Some of my very best friends are from the land of our bungling Acho.

However, my worry now is that I hope this does not become a standard bad habit among our political parties - that of acquiring Achos to win elections.What is the possibility that the next election will not see the emergence of yet another Acho - one that is currently watching from the shadows with raised eyebrows? - the lumbering hulk of an Acho - one from the North?

I am disturbed by what Sunanda K. Datta-Ray, perhaps the most authoritative Bhutan watcher and commentator, writes:

“If one bunch of Bhutanese politicians leans towards India, another is bound to lean towards China. Given the fragility of Sino-Indian relations, this polarization is not in Bhutan’s interest. It is even less in India’s interest for the Bhutanese to have to face such a choice”.

The full text of Mr. Datta-Ray’s writing is available at:

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1130720/jsp/opinion/story_17134356.jsp#.UevvF1NzpT4

NOTE: “Acho” is the Bhutanese equivalent of “Sugar Daddy” in the Western concept.

New Delhi Announces Bhutan 2013 Election Results

Bhutan’s 2013 General Elections was hijacked by India. When that became apparent to me, I withdrew my participation in the electoral process by refusing to cast my vote on the polling day. I came to the conclusion that whichever way people voted, the result would be the same. I wanted no part of it and made my stand clear through my post on this Blog titled “2013 General Elections: India is Victorious”.

Twenty-eight readers commented - most of them accused me of being pro-DPT. There was nothing useful about those comments and thus, I refused to post them - except for one, which had been already posted, and it would have been rude to delete it.

I believe that the result of the 2013 General Elections was decided and manipulated in New Delhi - months, if not years, before our election process began. Someone else - a reader of the BBS website too seem to have understood this. He/she commented; “In this election we were looking for a new Prime Minister - instead we ended up getting a Chief Minister”. Not the exact words but something on those lines.

New Delhi already knew the outcome of the elections. That is evident from the following letter of felicitation sent by the Indian Prime Minister to the PDP President. Dr. Man Mohan Singh had already announced Bhutan’s election results on the 13th of July, 2013 when our own Election Commission could finish compiling the results and announce it only a day later - on the 14th July, 2013.

I am currently going through a dilemma - I have not been able to congratulate a single winning candidate or offer my sympathies to the losing ones. For the life of me, I cannot decide how to phrase my words?

Congratulations on your win? – NOT TRUE!

My sympathies on your loss? – NOT TRUE BY A LONG SHOT!

Not a drop of even a cent in Chhukha revenue, assures V.P. Haran

I thought that the BBS had misquoted the Indian Ambassador. Upon playing the video clip (http://www.bbs.bt/news/elections2013/?p=27065) that was posted underneath the news article, I realized that he had been quoted verbatim. There is no mistake.

So, Ambassador Haran, can we hear it once more, please? This time without the slip-up, if it was not intended.

2013 General Elections: India is Victorious

Few would have been as passionate as me - in the electoral process that began in April and ended yesterday. But at the end, for me, it all came to naught - because I choose not to cast my vote yesterday - the polling day of the 2013 General Elections. The party I support may have lost one vote - my vote - but I am a happy man nonetheless - because I will not be carrying the burden of guilt on my conscience - for the part I would have played in the election’s final outcome, had I cast my vote. Years from now, when the history of our democracy will be written, I do not want posterity to record me as one among hundreds of thousands who participated in this darkest of dark elections.

Elections are held primarily to offer the people an opportunity to exercise their fundamental right to vote and, through that process, to elect a government of their choice. Sadly though, towards the final days to the run up to the polling day, it became clear to me that the 2013 General Elections wasn’t going to be about the free and fair exercise of the will of the people of Bhutan. Thus, as of 1st July, I decided to stop writing anything related to elections.

This election belonged to India. And they won.

But there are some who tell me that India’s win is Bhutanese people’s win. That the party India preferred was victorious would mean that India would no longer twist our arms into surrender and subservience. That India will double and triple their aid money to us, that they will reinstate the subsidies that have been withdrawn; that they will increase the power tariff that is currently under negotiation. That they will give us Boleros, helicopters, farm tractors and that they will inject billions into our banks to revive and reinvigorate commercial lending to businesses and industries and aspiring car owners. That the Indian Rupee shortage would be a thing of the past!

All that promise of plenty is certainly tempting and surely some of us have been tempted. Whether it is worth pawning off our souls in return - for another five years - is a decision that seems to be out of our hands. Others have already made that decision on our behalf. Now let us wait and see if India will deliver all that they have promised. The world will be our witness.

For the moment, let us give the benefit of doubt to the doomsday soothsayers.

For the benefit of my overseas readers, I am happy to upload the following 2013 General Election Results. The 15 constituencies where the DPT won is marked in yellow.

No Further Posts Untill After Elections

As of day-before-yesterday, I have stopped posting any articles on my Blog. There have been a number of comments on a few of my posts but I am sorry that I am not going to post them either. There is no point.

As I have said in a number of my posts in the past, I express my views through my writings because I believe that they are useful and beneficial for the country and the people of Bhutan. However, in recent times, information available through the print media, through the social media and through the on-going election Common Forums - as well as through information that I know but are, as yet, not common knowledge - it seems that whatever I do or anyone else does, it is unlikely to make a difference. Thus, I am not going to express any further views on this Blog. I will begin to post articles once the elections are over. Until then, please bear with me.

I hope that my readers will understand that even remaining silent can be an act of obeisance to the ultimate goal - that of serving the Tsa Wa Sum.

Bhutan's Road to Democracy: II

The Indian reporter Sachin Parashar’s article in the Times of India (ToI) titled “Bhutan’s road to democracy leads to China?” has received unnecessary attention among the Bhutanese - mainly because some of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) candidates has used it as a platform to launch an attack on their political rival - the Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT). The point being made is that the article is proof that the erstwhile DPT government has jeopardized Indo-Bhutan relations.

It is rather unfortunate. The fact that it is being raised at this critical juncture in the General Elections is clearly a shortsighted play by the PDP to gain some political points over their opponent. In making this a campaign issue, the PDP has crossed, what the Indians would call, the Lakshman Rekha. I cannot understand what their desperation is. This is an issue very few of their candidates can talk on or write about, authoritatively. The subject is way out of their league. More importantly, the PDP chose to drum up hysteria over this issue - by every one of their candidates - in every Common Forum since 26th June - based on a very uneducated and poorly written article by a reporter of no repute. There is something fishy about the timing of the article and the manner in which the PDP keeps harping on an article that is not worth a sideways glace.

Both Bhutan and India understands the consequences of a strained relation that has been nurtured and sustained over the past six decades. Ours is a relationship that is without parallel. This is not a one-sided relationship but one that is based on respect for each other - a relationship that is both mutually fulfilling and beneficial.

When every other country in the neighborhood is happily playing the China card against India, Bhutan remains the last country in South Asia that is resolutely pro-India. Since the early 50’s, Bhutan has remained a steadfast friend of India. Our future is so entwined with that of India’s that it would be impossible to imagine a future without India by our side - as our mentor, partner and benefactor. India has never failed us and, despite what some unknown reporter in India might write, despite what some irresponsible reporters in Bhutan might write, India will remain firmly behind us. It is in their interest to do so.

India has always depended on Bhutan to be there - in their hour of need. It is not very often that India needs our help - but when they do, we did not fail them - every time. Take, for instance, the case of their Republic Day Celebrations this year.

The Sultan of Oman was supposed to be the Chief Guest during the celebrations. However, because of some bungling by the bureaucrats, the invitation to the Head of State was handled inappropriately - resulting in a humiliating rebuff from Muscat. In desperation, India turned to Bhutan - in an effort to salvage a most humiliating and disastrous situation. Disregarding established protocol, His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuk readily accepted to stand in for the Sultan of Oman.

The trust is not one-sided. India’s trust in Bhutan is explicit as well. That is evidenced by the level of their investment in the country. Nepal’s hydropower potential is almost double that of Bhutan’s and yet, Bhutan is where India chose to invest. Politicians should be careful not to jeopardize a bond and relationship that has been built over many decades.

Please keep this issue out of the election campaign trail!

.............. To Be Continued